Baillie Gifford argues delayed IPOs push investors into private lockups
Baillie Gifford says US companies are taking longer to go public, with the average age at IPO rising from eight to 14 years over the last two decades.
Edward Mullen ·

Conventional wisdom holds that public markets remain the primary arena for institutional investors to capture growth, with private equity serving as a complementary, often optional, allocation. This perspective, however, overlooks a fundamental reordering: the sustained delay of IPOs is transforming private equity lockups from niche opportunities into essential, long-term procurement decisions for institutions seeking growth.
No one in the reported packet is on the record. The only named publisher is Baillie Gifford, and the firm’s headline frames the issue as “Private growth equity: the underappreciated opportunity,” which means the claim should be read as an investment argument from a market participant with an obvious interest in the category.
A liquidity timetable is being rewritten before the purchase decision The core reported fact is narrow but important: companies are “increasingly delaying their initial public offerings,” and Baillie Gifford says the average age at IPO in the US has moved from eight to 14 years over the last two decades. The article’s own framing is that this structural shift has established “private growth equity” as a significant asset class.
That does not prove superior returns, lower risk, or broader access; it says the entry point has moved earlier in a company’s life, before the public listing that historically gave many institutions a liquid way to buy growth exposure.
The procurement lens matters here because institutional investing is not just asset allocation in a slide deck. A pension plan, endowment, insurer, or sovereign allocator does not merely “buy growth”; it commits capital through mandates, side letters, lockup terms, fee schedules, reporting rights, and internal approvals.
If more value accrues before an IPO, the purchase decision moves from the public equity desk toward private-market managers and investment committees willing to accept illiquidity. That is the capex-to-opex inversion in this story: a tradable public-market position becomes a long-duration commitment that consumes governance capacity before it produces liquidity.
The eight-to-14-year figure needs a baseline
Baillie Gifford’s number is the load-bearing metric, but the packet does not say how the average was calculated. Is the comparison across all US IPOs, venture-backed IPOs, technology listings, profitable companies, or a broader mix?
Are special cases excluded? Is the average distorted by a few very mature companies listing late?
The article summary gives the direction and magnitude — eight to 14 years — but not the denominator that would let a risk committee test whether this is a market-wide structural change or a composition effect.
That omission matters because
the investment conclusion depends on the baseline.
If the rise is concentrated in a narrow group of companies that would already have been inaccessible to most institutions, the case for overhauling allocation processes is weaker. If it is broad across sectors and company types, the delayed-IPO pattern changes who gets access to growth and when. Baillie Gifford’s source summary supports the existence of a delay; it does not, on its own, establish how much of the return pool has migrated out of public markets.
The consensus read misses the internal cost of access The easy read is that public markets remain the main venue for institutions to access growth opportunities while private equity is an optional enhancement. That view fails if the IPO delay is persistent, because the public listing becomes a later-stage liquidity event rather than the main point of institutional entry. In that world, waiting for the IPO may mean buying after a longer period of private compounding has already occurred.
The counter-read is straightforward: liquidity is not a convenience; it is a risk control. A public-market allocation can be reduced, rebalanced, or hedged in ways a private commitment generally cannot.
Baillie Gifford’s research note, as summarized in the packet, does not answer how institutions should price that loss of flexibility, nor does it provide evidence that private growth equity consistently compensates investors for it. A skeptical chief investment officer could accept the IPO-age trend and still reject the conclusion that more illiquidity is the right response.
The work shifts from stock picking to lockup governance If Baillie Gifford’s premise holds, the under-noticed change is inside the institution. Public equity teams are built around security selection, liquidity management, benchmark exposure, and portfolio construction.
Private growth exposure requires different work: manager diligence, capital call planning, valuation review, legal negotiation, and board-level tolerance for assets that cannot be quickly sold when conditions change. The job content shifts from deciding which listed company to own today to deciding which long-term commitment the institution can live with before a public price exists.
That is why the future-of-work angle is not about traders losing screens to algorithms. It is about investment offices needing more legal, accounting, and governance capacity around private assets if delayed IPOs continue.
General counsel gets pulled earlier into terms and side-letter review. Operations teams need cleaner processes for capital calls and valuation marks.
Risk committees must decide whether the institution’s liquidity needs can tolerate more assets whose exit timing is outside their control.
The falsifiable version of the lockup thesis
The strongest version of the thesis is also testable: within 36 months, sustained IPO delay pushes more institutional growth exposure into long-term private equity lockups. The next signals are not press releases about private funds; they are observable changes in allocation behavior and governance.
If average IPO age falls back materially, if large institutions publicly reduce private-equity commitments in favor of public-market exposure, or if a broad market selloff produces a visible flight to liquidity, the thesis weakens. If, instead, investment committees keep expanding private-growth mandates while public listings remain late, Baillie Gifford’s argument looks less like marketing and more like a procurement map for institutional capital.
The source’s biggest omission is not the direction of travel. It is the cost of reorganizing around illiquidity. A delayed IPO market does not simply create a new asset class; it shifts bargaining power toward private-market intermediaries and forces institutions to buy access through longer commitments, heavier diligence, and slower exits. That may be a rational trade. But Baillie Gifford’s own summary gives investors the starting point, not the full bill.